Opinion: Hande Nuran Alparslan
There are political movements and uprisings in many African countries these days. These uprisings are a sign that a system that was established many years ago is beginning to collapse. So what happened years ago?
Since the 17th century, military power has been one of the most important factors in the domination of Africa by established colonial administrations. As in other parts of the world, the principle of de facto occupation in Africa, combined with increasing commercial movements and the industrial revolution, led to the spread of colonialism on the African continent in the 19th century with the influence of liberal policies and technology. . The Berlin Conference on West Africa in 1884 was an important turning point in the implementation of the “modern colonial” system. At this conference, the European states got up from the table they sat down to share the African continent through political and diplomatic negotiations by adopting the principle of de facto occupation. With the 1884 conference’s almost legalized occupation initiatives, colonialism accelerated on the African continent. Entrepreneurs and investors established companies in the occupied territories with the legal support and military power provided by western governments. In this way, companies were able to operate as de facto governments and dominate the region economically and politically. Or, through these companies and private enterprises, governments found an easier and less costly way to establish rule in the region.
In recent years, France’s military presence in some countries has come to an end. Following the withdrawal of French troops from Mali in 2022 and Burkino Faso in 2023, France was forced to end its military cooperation with Niger after the coup d’état in September 2023.
In recent weeks, it terminated its security and defense agreements with Chad and handed over its base in N’diamena to the Chadian authorities. Developments in Ivory Coast and Senegal signal the same fate for French troops.
In response to Macron’s statements that Africa cannot govern itself without France, drawing attention to France’s military activity in the region, Mali and Niger’s expulsion of French troops with the support of fighters backed by the Russian defense ministry and the US’s departure from Niger last year show that France’s military and political influence is over. These political changes seem to be a continuation of the decolonization movements of the 1960s. However, the process of decolonization is still ongoing; the African states that officially gained their independence after these dates signed agreements declaring “friendship”, “cooperation” or “partnership” with the powers that had controlled them since the 1800s, such as Britain, France and the USA. This process, which we can call the colonial policy of the capitalist-imperialist era, included a series of state dependencies that were transitional. The multinational companies established by Britain and France, the great powers of the 1800s, were successful examples of this policy. Many of these companies have made huge profits in the capital markets since their establishment and have managed to sustain their existence until today by integrating into the global economy.
France’s economic presence in Africa is in jeopardy as the barriers to its military presence there keep growing. African nations fear that France’s economic influence in the region would wane as it gradually leaves its bases in Africa, as they seek to capitalize on the opportunities presented by the shifting and growing global order.
International media reports show that France is in many ways concerned about the continuity of its presence in Africa. In recent months, the state of Niger has taken away the production rights of Orano, a French-owned company established to exploit Niger’s rich uranium deposits and which has one of the largest uranium mining reserves in the world. With this action, the Niger government declared that it was returning Orano’s mines to “public domain in the ownership of the state”.
In Burkino Faso, the government revoked the gold exploration license it had granted to Australia-based gold miner Sarama Resources. Burkino Faso’s junta leader Ibrahim Tarore had said in October that the country could mine its own gold, stating that they did not want to allow multinational companies to mine their gold.
On the other hand, Mali seized gold from Barrick Gold’s mine and issued an arrest warrant for the company’s CEO Mark Bristow. It also detained Terence Holohan, CEO of the Australian gold mining company Resolute.
While gold producers, including Toronto-listed companies such as B2gold, Allied Gold and Robex Resources, have signed agreements with regimes, the continuity of these agreements is critical. Indeed, Barrick Gold, one of the world’s largest gold producers, was forced to shut down its Loulo-Guonkoto mine complex, which produced the company’s highest gold output, after the regime restricted shipments.
Orano, which lost 133 million euros in the first half of 2024, was also forced to stop production at the Arlit mine in October following the seizure of its rights to the Imouraren mine in Niger. While companies state they intend to defend their rights before competent authorities by filing arbitration cases against restrictions and obstacles imposed by regimes, particularly Sahel countries are seeking/forming other partnerships in the diversifying global market to operate mines in ways that will be more profitable for themselves.
The decline, dubbed by the media as the ‘fall of Françafrique’, points to more profitable and diverse partnerships for Africa. To support their countries’ development, African leaders are promoting partnerships that can actually pay off for their countries. Among them is Turkey, which is seeking to strengthen trade ties with the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Qatar in the horn of Africa, particularly Somalia. Turkey is also seeking economic and security cooperation in Niger, Burkina Faso and Mali. Russia, which plays a role in the coup belt, is more focused on Mali and Burkina Faso. As these middle powers expand their engagement in the region, the influence of the unipolar US is diminishing and China is preparing to step in as a major power alternative to the US. As these middle powers expand their engagement in the region, the influence of the unipolar US is receding in the region and China is poised to step in as a major power alternative to the US. From January to July 2024, the trade volume between the two sides (China-Africa) amounted to 1.19 trillion yuan (about 166.48 billion US dollars). During this period, China’s exports to Africa amounted to 697.93 billion yuan and imports to 490.89 billion yuan.